Upaya Indonesia pertahankan multikulturalisme

oleh Testriono 01 Juli 2011

Jakarta – Berbagai kasus intoleransi beragama di Indonesia belakangan ini telah membuat sebagian pengamat khawatir kalau pujian Presiden AS Barack Obama terhadap toleransi beragama di Indonesia saat lawatannya ke Indonesia November 2010 cumalah dilebih-lebihkan. Berbagai pernyataan warga masyarakat dan keputusan pejabat pemerintah telah ikut menyudutkan kelompok agama minoritas dan memperburuk konflik antara kelompok agama minoritas dan warga Muslim Sunni yang merupakan mayoritas di beberapa komunitas.

Para pejabat negara sekarang sering melihat isu kebebasan beragama melalui kacamata kepentingan politik tertentu. Misalnya, belakangan pemerintah sudah kian sering menekan dan meminggirkan kelompok agama minoritas. Upaya yang dilakukan pemerintah cukup beragam, mulai dari melarang praktik ibadah atau praktik keagamaan dan membatasi pintu masuk untuk mendapat pekerjaan berdasarkan aturan berpakaian, hingga menolak memberi izin pembangunan tempat ibadah dan menerapkan tafsiran syariat Islam yang konservatif. Para pejabat pemerintah secara keliru mengira kalau aksi-aksi ini akan bisa meredakan konflik dan mendongkrak popularitas mereka.

Sejak merdeka pada 1945, Indonesia telah mempersilakan para penganut dari berbagai macam agama untuk mengamalkan agama mereka. Meskipun penduduk Indonesia mayoritasnya Muslim, berbagai agama dan aliran Islam yang berbeda bisa hidup berdampingan secara damai. Selama berabad-abad, masjid-masjid Sunni dan Syiah berdiri di dekat kuil-kuil Budha dan Hindu (yang beberapa di antaranya dibangun pada abad ke-9) dan sejumlah gereja Kristen (yang beberapa di antaranya dibangun pada abad ke-17). Bahkan aliran Ahmadiyah, yang didirikan Mirza Ghulam Ahmad dari India, dan masuk ke Indonesia pada awal abad ke-20, relatif tidak pernah mendapat gangguan hingga beberapa tahun belakangan.

Untungnya, toleransi beragama di Indonesia bukanlah hanya wewenang pemerintah, dan ada kelompok-kelompok masyarakat yang secara aktif mencoba mengisi celah. Kendati ada tren mengkhawatirkan di kalangan pemerintah untuk berlepas diri dari konflik di antara kelompok-kelompok agama, alih-alih menanganinya, kita tidak boleh melupakan adanya banyak prakarsa membangun yang sedang berjalan di Indonesia, yang ingin menjembatani perpecahan di antara berbagai komunitas agama, entah sifatnya antaragama ataupun internal agama.

Penghargaan perlu diberikan kepada organisasi-organisasi masyarakat sipil karena mereka kini menjadi pilar kerukunan agama di Indonesia. Pada Maret 2011, misalnya, Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat Universitas Islam Negeri Jakarta, bekerjasama dengan Kedutaan Besar Kanada, menggelar sebuah konferensi internasional di Jakarta untuk mendorong multikulturalisme di Asia Tenggara. Konferensi yang dihadiri oleh cendekiawan dari berbagai negara di Asia Tenggara, Kanada serta Australia ini, menjadi sebuah kesempatan untuk berbagi pengalaman dalam hal praktik multikulturalisme, dan telah membangkitkan minat untuk melakukan upaya bilateral ataupun multilateral guna menyatukan kekuatan dan melawan radikalisasi yang muncul.

Di lapangan, multikulturalisme juga sedang didorong melalui program-program pelatihan di sekolah-sekolah keagamaan. Program-program ini memberi para guru maupun murid berbagai pengalaman merasakan kemanusiaan bersama dalam kehidupan sehari-hari kita. Program-program ini dijalankan oleh para aktivis masyarakat sipil dari lembaga-lembaga seperti Yayasan Paramadina (yayasan yang banyak berkecimpung dalam dunia pendidikan) yang bekerjasama dengan The Asia Foundation, organisasi non-pemerintah yang berkomitmen pada pembangunan kawasan Asia-Pasifik yang damai dan sejahtera, dan Karuna Bali Foundation, organisasi non-pemerintah yang memberi orang-orang di Bali dan tempat lain kesempatan untuk mengenyam pendidikan dan mengembangkan diri.

Lebih dari 300 guru telah mereka latih mengenai teknik untuk mendorong nilai-nilai kemanusiaan universal, seperti cinta, perdamaian dan penghargaan dalam kurikulum sekolah mereka masing-masing. Nilai-nilai positif adalah salah satu dasar bagi perkembangan mental anak-anak, dan dalam suatu lingkungan yang sadar nilai dan saling menghargai, para murid bisa mengembangkan minat dan kemampuan mereka untuk bekerja demi perdamaian, menghormati orang lain dan menghindari kekerasan.

Organisasi-organisasi masyarakat sipil di Indonesia terus melahirkan berbagai gagasan dan prakarsa baru untuk menopang dan mempertahankan kerukunan beragama. Kendati kelompok-kelompok radikal terkadang masih mengganggu ketertiban, mereka menghadapi perlawanan luar biasa dari lembaga-lembaga swadaya masyarakat yang mencintai negara mereka, ingin hidup secara rukun dan bekerja tanpa mengenal lelah mendorong multikulturalisme dalam masyarakat.

Organisasi-organisasi masyarakat sipillah yang banyak bekerja mengubah kebijakan pemerintah yang melenceng dari prinsip-prinsip demokrasi, kebebasan dan HAM. Pujian Obama sudah semestinya dialamatkan kepada mereka.

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* Testriono ialah peneliti Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.

Artikel ini ditulis untuk Kantor Berita Common Ground (CGNews).

Sumber: Kantor Berita Common Ground (CGNews), 1 Juli 2011, www.commongroundnews.org
Telah memperoleh izin publikasi.

Indonesian efforts to defend multiculturalism

by Testriono 28 June 2011

Jakarta - Recent cases of religious intolerance in Indonesia have led some observers to worry that US President Barack Obama's praise of religious tolerance in Indonesia during his visit in November 2010 was exaggerated. Public statements and decrees from Indonesian government officials have discredited religious minority groups and exacerbated conflict between minority religious groups and the largely Sunni Muslim population in some Indonesian communities.

Contemporary state officials in Indonesia often consider religious freedom issues through the lens of their particular political interests. For example, it has become popular lately among government officials in Indonesia to restrict and marginalise religious minority groups. Their efforts range from banning worship or religious practices and restricting access to jobs based on religious dress codes, to turning down permits to build places of worship and implementing conservative interpretations of Islamic law. They mistakenly believe that these actions will ease conflicts and increase their own popularity.

Since it was founded in 1945, Indonesia has welcomed people of all faiths to practice their religion. Although the population in Indonesia is predominantly Muslim, various faiths and different Muslim sects co-exist peacefully. For centuries, both Sunni and Shiite mosques have stood side-by-side with Buddhist and Hindu temples (some of which date back to the 9th century) and Indonesia’s numerous Christian churches (some established as early as the 17th century). Even the Ahmadi religious group which came to Indonesia at the beginning of the 19th century – founded by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, an Indian religious leader who claimed he was the promised messiah foretold by the Prophet Muhammad –was left mostly undisturbed until recent years.

Fortunately, religious tolerance in Indonesia is not the exclusive domain of the government, and other groups are actively trying to fill the gap. Despite a worrisome trend among officials to avoid, rather than deal with, conflict between religious groups, it is important not to forget the many constructive initiatives that are on-going in Indonesia to bridge divides between various religious communities, whether inter- or intra-religious.

Credit should be given to civil society organisations in Indonesia since they are currently the pillars of religious harmony in Indonesia. In March 2011, for example, the Center for the Study of Islam and Society at the State Islamic University in Jakarta, in collaboration with the Canadian Embassy, organised an international conference in Jakarta to promote multiculturalism in Southeast Asia. Attended by scholars from countries in Southeast Asia, Canada and Australia, the conference was an opportunity for sharing experiences on the practice of multiculturalism and has sparked interest to establish bilateral or multilateral efforts to pool resources and confront rising radicalisation.

Multiculturalism is also being promoted on the ground in Indonesia through training programmes in religious schools. These programmes introduce both teachers and students to a variety of ways to experience a sense of common humanity in our daily lives, and are run by civil society activists from organisations such as the Paramadina Foundation (an organisation involved in education) that is working in collaboration with The Asia Foundation, a non-governmental organisation committed to the development of a peaceful and prosperous Asia-Pacific region, and the Karuna Bali Foundation, a non-governmental organisation providing those in Bali and elsewhere with opportunities in education and individual growth.

More than 300 teachers have been trained in techniques to promote universal human values, such as love, peace and respect within the curriculum of their respective schools. Positive values are one cornerstone for mental development in children, and in a value-based and respectful environment, students can develop their interest and capacity to work for peace, respect others and avoid violence.

Indonesian civil society groups are constantly producing new ideas and initiatives to support and maintain religious harmony. Although radicalised groups are still disturbing the peace, they face formidable resistance from civil society groups who love their country, are eager to live in harmony and are working tirelessly to promote multiculturalism within the society.

Civil society groups are the ones who are working to change government policies that betray the principles of democracy, freedom and human rights and Obama’s praise should be directed to them.

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* Testriono is a researcher at the Center for the Study of Islam and Society at the State Islamic University Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 28 June 2011, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Pengalaman Indonesia mengurangi ketakutan munculnya negara agama radikal di Tunisia/Mesir

oleh Testriono

01 April 2011

Jakarta – Banyak sarjana pesimis kalau Revolusi Melati Tunisia dan transisi politik di Mesir akan bisa melahirkan demokrasi di kedua negara ini, dan mereka khawatir akan bahaya munculnya kelompok-kelompok politik Islam, yang sebagiannya punya tafsiran radikal terhadap syariat, yang akan banyak berperan dalam masa transisi politik.

Apakah pendapat bahwa Islam tak selaras dengan demokrasi ada benarnya?

Yang terjadi di Indonesia menunjukkan sebaliknya.

Indonesia mengalami transisi politik besar yang bermula dengan dilengserkannya rezim otoriter yang berkuasa 32 tahun lewat gerakan reformasi 1998, yang mirip dengan situasi di Tunisia dan Mesir saat ini.

Transisi menuju demokrasi di Indonesia menunjukkan bahwa Islam, sebagai agama dan budaya, sebenarnya selaras dengan demokrasi. Dukungan besar bagi konsep demokrasi dan negara-bangsa oleh kaum Muslim di Indonesia, bertentangan dengan pemikiran para sarjana yang berpendapat bahwa Islam dan demokrasi tidaklah selaras dan karenanya negara-negara mayoritas Muslim memang ditakdirkan punya pemerintahan otokratis.

Meskipun beberapa negara mayoritas Muslim punya masalah dengan kelompok-kelompok politik Islam radikal, Indonesia mengalami konsolidasi politik yang damai, yang melibatkan berbagai kelompok dengan pandangan politik yang berbeda-beda. Di parlemen, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS), yang dianggap sebagai partai politik Islam pasca reformasi terbesar, mengusung berbagai agenda nasional bersama-sama dengan partai-partai sekuler.

Indonesia memang menghadapi tuntutan beberapa kelompok untuk menerapkan tafsiran ketat atas hukum Islam di sejumlah daerah, terutama di Aceh, di mana perempuan diwajibkan mengenakan jilbab berdasarkan hukum setempat tentang busana Islami. Tindakan-tindakan semacam itu telah menjadi dalih bagi kelompok-kelompok politik Islam lainnya untuk mencoba melakukan hal yang sama di tempat lain. Namun, mayoritas Muslim Indonesia menjunjung tinggi hak keagamaan bagi semua kelompok seperti dijamin oleh konstitusi dan tidak mendukung penerapan formal hukum Islam yang konservatif.

Meski ini membuktikan bahwa Islam dan demokrasi bisa berdampingan di Indonesia, apakah ini mesti membawa kesimpulan serupa untuk Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara?

Robert W. Hefner, antropolog dari Boston University, memandang bahwa Indonesia berbeda karena adanya organisasi-organisasi Islam besar seperti Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Muhammadiyah (yang masing-masing punya sekitar empat puluh puluh juta dan tiga puluh sembilan juta pengikut). Kegiatan-kegiatan sosial mereka, seperti mendirikan sekolah, rumah sakit, panti asuhan, dan lembaga-lembaga sosial lainnya, telah memberikan contoh bagaimana menyeimbangkan ajaran-ajaran Islam, demokrasi dan pembangunan-bangsa. Para aktivis NU dan Muhammadiyah juga telah terlibat dalam berbagai aktivitas seperti gerakan anti-korupsi, penciptaan tata kelola pemerintahan yang baik, dan membantu mengembangkan kebijakan publik dan pendanaan di pemerintah-pemerintah daerah.

Sebagian peneliti memandang perbedaan itu karena kecenderungan kultural masyarakat Indonesia untuk menghindari konflik. Cendekiawan Indonesia, Taufik Abdullah, misalnya, mengatakan bahwa besarnya organisasi-organisasi Islam di Indonesia, yang tidak terpecah menjadi organisasi-organisasi kecil, telah membuat Muslim Indonesia tampak lebih bersatu, dan menerima penafsiran keagamaan inklusif yang populer karena mereka menjauhi kontroversi atau konflik keagamaan.

Cendekiawan Islam dari Indonesia, Azyumardi Azra, mengatakan bahwa Muslim di Indonesia menekankan watak akomodatif Islam. Itulah mengapa mereka dengan mudah menerima demokrasi, HAM dan gagasan-gagasan lain yang relatif baru.

Pengalaman Indonesia memberi dua wawasan bagi demokrasi yang tengah tumbuh di Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara: pertama, organisasi masyarakat sipil Islam bisa memainkan peran aktif dalam memperkuat negara demokrasi; dan kedua, keragaman dalam Islam bisa menjadi kekuatan yang bisa mendorong diterimanya perubahan dan perbedaan dalam masyarakat, dan menginspirasi tidak saja kesalehan individual dan cita-cita politik, tetapi juga bermacam prakarsa kemanusiaan yang diperlukan bagi pembangunan-bangsa.

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* Testriono (testriono@gmail.com) ialah peneliti Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM) Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta.

Artikel ini ditulis untuk Kantor Berita Common Ground (CGNews).

Sumber: Kantor Berita Common Ground (CGNews), 01 April 2011, www.commongroundnews.org
Telah memperoleh izin publikasi.

Indonesian example counters fears of radical religious states in Tunisia/Egypt

by Testriono 29 March 2011

Jakarta - Many scholars are pessimistic that Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution and the political transition in Egypt will successfully bring about democracy in these countries, and worry that there is a significant risk of Islamic political groups, some with radical interpretations of shari’a (Islamic principles of jurisprudence), taking on an inordinately influential role during the political transition.

Is there any truth to the argument that Islam is incompatible with democracy?

The Indonesian example suggests otherwise.

Indonesia underwent a major political transition that started with the toppling of a 32-year-old authoritarian regime during the Reform movement of 1998, similar to the situation in Tunisia and Egypt today.

The Indonesian transition to democracy indicates that Islam, as a religion and culture, is indeed compatible with democracy. The support for the concepts of democracy and the nation-state by Muslims in Indonesia contradicts the notions of those scholars who believe that Islam and democracy are incompatible and therefore Muslim-majority countries are doomed to autocratic rule.

Although some Muslim-majority countries have been troubled by radical Islamic political groups, Indonesia has experienced a peaceful political consolidation, which has included groups with diverse political platforms. In the parliament, the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), which is considered to be the largest post-reform Islamic political party, tackles various national agendas together in collaboration with secular parties.

Indonesia does face demands by some groups to implement strict interpretations of Islamic law in various regions, most notably in Aceh, where women are obliged to wear a headscarf (locally called the jilbab) under a by-law on Islamic dress. Such actions have become rallying points for other Islamic political groups to do the same elsewhere. However, the majority of Indonesian Muslims hold dearly to the religious rights of all groups as protected under the constitution and have not endorsed the formal implementation of a conservative type of Islamic law.

While this proves that Islam and democracy can coexist in Indonesia, does it necessarily lead to a similar conclusion in the Middle East and North Africa?

Robert W. Hefner, an anthropologist from Boston University, credits large Indonesian Islamic organisations such as Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah (with approximately 80 million and 14 million members respectively) with making a difference in Indonesia. Their social activities, such as establishing schools, hospitals, orphanages and other social institutions, have set examples for how to balance Islamic principles, democracy and nation-building. Their activists also have been engaged in activities such as an anti-corruption movement, creating good governance, and helping develop public policy and budgeting in local governments.

Some scholars credit the Indonesian cultural tendencies of conflict avoidance. For example, Indonesian scholar Taufik Abdullah says that the large sizes of Islamic organisations in Indonesia, as opposed to being splintered into smaller organisations, have made Indonesian Muslims appear more unified, adopting popular, inclusive religious interpretations as they avoid religious-based controversies or conflict.

An Islamic scholar from Indonesia, Azyumardi Azra, says that Muslims in Indonesia emphasise the accommodative nature of Islam, which is why they easily accepted democracy, human rights and other relatively new ideas.

The Indonesian experience offers two insights for emerging democracies in the Middle East and North Africa: one, Islamic civil society organisations can play an active role in strengthening democratic states; and two, the diversity within Islam can be a strength which can encourage the acceptance of change and societal differences, and inspire not only individual piety and political ideals, but also the type of humanitarian initiatives necessary for nation-building.

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* Testriono (testriono@gmail.com) is a researcher at the Center for the Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) at the State Islamic University (UIN) Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. This article was written for the Common Ground News Service (CGNews).

Source: Common Ground News Service (CGNews), 29 March 2011, www.commongroundnews.org
Copyright permission is granted for publication.

Inhibiting Freedom of Religion

By: Testriono*

Source: http://islamlib.com/en/article/inhibiting-freedom-of-religion

29/03/2011

The Moderate Muslim Society (MMS) and the Wahid Institute brought the year 2010 to a close by releasing the outcomes of their monitoring of religious existence in Indonesia in the past year. MSS came across 81 cases of religious intolerance throughout 2010, 63 of which (80 percent) were attacks against places of worship. The Wahid Institute on the other hand monitored 13 provinces all through 2010 and found 63 cases of violations against freedom of religion of which 19 of them (30 percent) were related to the revocation of permit or prohibition to run or build a place of worship.

This report substantiates on today’s reality which has time and again witnessed an escalation in the forced closure of places of worship for religious minorities in Indonesia in the past several years. Hiding behind the pretext of “causing public anxiety” as justification, several Islamic community organizations in particular have taken it upon themselves to undertake such “social regulatory actions”.

It is an undeniable fact that throughout 2010 the nation saw a significant upward trend in the number of cases related to the prohibition to exercise religious beliefs and the forced closures of churches. This is illustrated in the Setara Institute report carried out in mid-2010. According to the report, at least 17 cases were reported in 2008 which rose to 18 cases in the following year and soared to 28 cases on rejections against and attacks over places of worship in the first half of 2010.  

This is indeed a paradoxical situation that given today’s democratic climate which underscores the values of freedom, religious freedom instead is under serious threat. Based on findings of the Jakarta Christian Communications Forum (FKKJ - Forum Komunikasi Kristiani Jakarta), there was a sharp rise in the frequency of attacks against churches during the post-New Order regime. Between 1998 and 2010, some 700 cases were reported on church attacks, an alarming development compared to 460 cases during the New Order era (1969-1998).

The right to the freedom of faith, religion and to worship is in fact plainly guaranteed in the Constitution and state regulations. This guarantee is embodied in Article 28E clause (1) and Article 29 clause (2) of the 1945 Constitution, as well as Article 22 of Law No. 39/1999 concerning Human Rights. A similar assurance is also enshrined in several international laws ratified by the government such as Article 18 of the International Covenant concerning Civil and Political Rights, and Article 18 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Discrimination

With regard to places of worship, the government has issued specific policies through the Joint Regulation between the Religious Ministry and Home Affairs Ministry in 2006 concerning the establishment of places of worship. Certain groups have taken advantage of this Joint Regulation to obstruct and oppose the establishment of churches.

The enactment of the 2006 Joint Regulation carries the potential of being discriminatory. This among others is evident in one of its provisions which make it compulsory to submit a list of names along with their ID card number of 60 local residents endorsing the establishment of a place of worship when applying for permit. This list must be validated by the village chief or head of the village-level administrative unit.

In certain regions where the local population has a more tolerant attitude, this requirement would not be an issue. But in less forbearing societies, this may hamper the establishment of houses of worship. Furthermore, according to a survey conducted by Indonesia’s leading pollster, Lembaga Survei Indonesia (LSI)-Lazuardi Birru in 2010, the majority of Muslims in Indonesia are typically intolerant towards places of worship of other faiths, whereby 64.9% of them have objected to the setting up of such religious houses. In addition, the precondition to show proof of public support before a place of worship can be established can be commercialized by promises of giving support in exchange for monetary compensation. If such demands are denied, plans to establish the house of prayer shall indeed be made into an issue.

The government’s enactment of such state regulations is indeed a legitimate course of action, particularly when it is intended to cultivate harmony among followers of different beliefs. Unfortunately, such regulations are more often inclined towards becoming discriminatory to the extent that a significant proportion of minority groups feel that these policies are in reality more favorable toward the Muslim majority. Regulations should in fact be created to guarantee justice and protect all layers of society including minority groups.

This however, does not imply that freedom of religion should not be restricted through regulations. According to Nicola Colbran (2010), a Norwegian human rights expert, the right to freedom of religion encompasses two forms of liberties: internal and external. Internal freedom refers to the right of every individual to embrace a religion based on his or her own choice. This is a constitutional right that is both non-derogable and indivisible.

External freedom on the other hand, relates to the liberty to observe religious beliefs and bowing to limitations. Based on the International Covenant concerning Civil and Political Rights, the freedom to practice religion shall only be subject to limitations prescribed by law in order to protect (1) public safety, (2) public order, (3) public health, (4) public morals, and (5) the fundamental rights of others. As such, riding on the pretext of “causing public anxiety” does not constitute as justification to inhibit freedom of religion, as meant by the Covenant which essentially refers to the safety and order of individuals or society. 

Amendment to the Joint Regulation

Given the intensified conflict over the establishment of churches, the government should seize upon this momentum to revise policies on the establishment of places of worship as regulated in the 2006 Joint Regulation. The government must be fully cognizant of the fact that the Joint Regulation is indeed one of the disabling factors that contribute to the fuelling of friction related to the establishment of places of worship. An evaluation on religious life practiced within the last four years is indeed the most appropriate method to assess on whether the Joint Regulation contributes to or instead counterproductive for a harmonious coexistence among believers of different faiths.

In addition, it is indeed an incongruity to adhere to the Constitution which guarantees freedom of religion and to worship when the establishment of places of worship requires the consent of believers of other faiths, and not from the religious need of the worshippers concerned. Furthermore, the establishment of and allotment for places of worship between different faiths is subject to different legal procedures. Hence the government needs to formulate a more neutral, flexible, and just regulation for all religions based on the need of followers of different faiths.

Finally, in addressing the discord over the establishment of places of worship, we once again urge that the government stands firm, acts in a non-discriminatory manner and positions itself above all religions as mandated by the Constitution. President Barrack Obama’s defense over the controversial plan to construct a mosque in proximity to Ground Zero, the former site of the decimated World Trade Centre (WTC), indeed serves as an exemplary act. Based on the Constitution and the freedom of religion, Obama stated that Muslims who are a minority group in the United States are equally entitled to the right to establish a place of worship like any other religion in the country. And Obama was prepared to be criticized by parties in opposition of the plan for the construction of the mosque.

In today’s democratic transition, faith-based conflict is easily ignited. We sincerely hope that the government particularly the Ministry of Religious Affairs can appropriately deal with such conflict by leaning on the Constitution at all times, and not be caught in the narrow-mindedness of fanaticism, sectarianism, or favoritism towards a certain religion.

*Testriono, researcher at the Centre of Islamic and Community Studies (PPIM - Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat), UIN Jakarta